On May 19, 2025, Deputy Attorney General (DAG) Todd Blanche
issued a memo entitled "Civil Rights Fraud
Initiative," announcing the U.S. Department of
Justice's (DOJ) intent to use the False Claims Act (FCA) to
enforce the civil rights laws. The memo begins by reiterating
DOJ's commitment to enforcing the civil rights laws and noting
that "[o]ne of the most effective ways to accomplish this
objective is through vigorous enforcement of the [FCA] against
those who defraud the United States by taking its money while
knowingly violating civil rights laws." The memo was issued on
the heels of a New York Times report last week that DOJ
had initiated an FCA investigation into whether Harvard's
admissions policies comply with the Supreme Court's 2023 ruling
that ended affirmative action.
The memo states DOJ's view that a federal contractor or federal
funds recipient may violate the FCA when it "knowingly
violates civil rights laws — including but not limited to
Title IV, Title VI, and Title IX, of the Civil Rights Act of 1964
— and falsely certifies compliance with such laws." For
example, the memo explains that "a university that accepts
federal funds could violate the [FCA] when it encourages
antisemitism, refuses to protect Jewish students, allows men to
intrude into women's bathrooms, or requires women to compete
against men in athletic competitions."
It goes on to state that federal contractors or funds recipients
also may violate the FCA by "certify[ing] compliance with
civil rights laws while knowingly engaging in racist preferences,
mandates, policies, programs, and activities, including through
diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs that assign
benefits or burdens on race, ethnicity, or national origin."
And, in other contexts, we have observed the federal government
begin to require recipients of federal funds to certify compliance
with anti-discrimination laws and executive orders creating FCA risk.
DAG Blanche announced that he is creating a "Civil Rights
Fraud Initiative" that will use the FCA to
"aggressively" investigate and prosecute these
activities. The initiative will be led by DOJ's Civil Fraud
Section and the Civil Rights Division. Notably, all U.S.
Attorney's Offices are required to identify an Assistant United
States Attorney to assist with work on the initiative. Members of
the initiative will also work with DOJ's Criminal Division, as
well as other agencies and state attorneys general.
The memo also cites the qui tam provisions of the FCA and
encourages relators to come forward to file FCA lawsuits, noting
that DOJ "strongly encourages these lawsuits."
Takeaways
This new initiative certainly amps up the risk for colleges and
universities that find themselves under the Trump
administration's microscope over their DEI programs, admissions
processes, and/or treatment of transgender persons. That said,
there are still a number of hurdles DOJ or a relator would have to
surpass to hold such institutions liable for an FCA violation. The
theory of liability would likely be that, by accepting federal
funds, the institutions impliedly certified their compliance with
anti-discrimination laws related to racial and gender equality. But
to establish falsity under the FCA, DOJ or a relator would then
need to prove that an institution's admissions policies, DEI
programs more broadly, and/or dealings with transgender persons in
fact did violate applicable civil rights laws. As for knowledge,
they would have to prove that the institution, at a minimum, acted
with reckless disregard in accepting the federal funds and
impliedly certified its compliance with such laws. With respect to
materiality, the standard is "demanding," as we know from
Escobar, and would require them to prove that had the
government known about the noncompliance, it would not have
provided the funding. One way to do this, as Escobar
teaches, would be to prove that the institution knew that the
government consistently refused to provide federal funding "in
the mine run of cases" notwithstanding an institution's
alleged noncompliance with civil rights laws. On the other hand, an
institution could point to "very strong evidence" that
compliance with anti-discrimination laws related to racial and
gender equality is not material if it can show that the government
has provided federal funding despite having knowledge of such
noncompliance.
For these reasons, the memo raises more questions than it answers.
Although the Trump administration has made clear its intent to
enforce civil rights laws and ensure equal protection under the law
through this new initiative and prior executive orders, it has deeply diverged from
the approach of the Biden and prior administrations. Among other
things, the scope of what the administration considers
"illegal DEI" and/or other violative conduct that could
pose risk of enforcement scrutiny is not well-defined and the
subject of ongoing litigation in a number of jurisdictions. Whether
and to what extent the administration's interpretation aligns
with existing precedent or veers more towards novel enforcement
theories will pose challenges for targeted entities, though to the
extent those theories are novel, they could provide some FCA
defenses as discussed below.
Turning back to the questions – when assessing scienter and
materiality, should a court look to the time period before or after
January 20, 2025? Escobar only speaks to the "mine
run of cases," which presumably is not temporally limited. And
in Schutte, the Supreme Court made clear that knowledge is
measured at the time of the allegedly improper conduct, so although
fact-dependent, this very likely could be a time prior to the new
administration. But even if that is right, will there be a point in
time after which courts conclude that DOJ or a relator could argue
that institutions knew or should have known that their implied
certifications are false? Will there be a point in time after which
the Trump administration's policies, investigations, and
enforcements make clear that those allegedly implied false
certifications are material?
Finally, are companies and other entities safely out of the
cross-hairs of this initiative? We tend to think they are not.
Although the DOJ memo clearly targets colleges and universities,
there is no bar to DOJ using the FCA to seek to enforce civil
rights laws against any other entity that receives federal funds.
Indeed, the Trump administration has already issued an executive order focused on DEI and aimed at
government contractors.
We at Qui Notes will be watching how DOJ implements this new initiative, how the relator's bar seeks to use it, and the reception these cases receive from the courts.
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