ARTICLE
28 April 2025

The UAE Walks Away From OPEC: What Happened And Why It Matters

SJ
Steptoe LLP

Contributor

In more than 100 years of practice, Steptoe has earned an international reputation for vigorous representation of clients before governmental agencies, successful advocacy in litigation and arbitration, and creative and practical advice in structuring business transactions. Steptoe has more than 500 lawyers and professional staff across the US, Europe and Asia.
On April 28, the UAE made a dramatic announcement: it was leaving OPEC—the powerful oil producers' cartel it had belonged to for nearly 60 years—along with the broader OPEC+ group, effective May 1.
United Arab Emirates Energy and Natural Resources
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On April 28, the UAE made a dramatic announcement: it was leaving OPEC—the powerful oil producers' cartel it had belonged to for nearly 60 years—along with the broader OPEC+ group, effective May 1. The news landed like a bombshell. Coming in the middle of a war between the US, Israel, and Iran that has already sent shockwaves through global energy markets, the UAE's departure reveals the country’s shifting strategic footing and raises serious questions about whether OPEC can remain an effective and viable platform. Downside risks include a further deteriorating relationship between the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which could escalate to open competition in energy markets once the Strait of Hormuz is reopened. An upside risk of a lower oil supply could follow in the medium term if the UAE opts to drill oil at full capacity with less regard to supply management.

A Long Time Coming

The UAE’s long-brewing decision reflects years of building frustration. The core problem was simple: OPEC sets limits on how much oil each member can produce, and the UAE had long felt those limits were holding it back. Abu Dhabi had poured billions of dollars into expanding its oil production capacity to nearly 5 million barrels per day (bpd) by 2027—but under OPEC rules, it was only allowed to pump around 3.2 million bpd. It had built the engine but was not allowed to press the accelerator.

Beyond oil policy, the UAE and Saudi Arabia—OPEC's dominant producer and a historically close ally of Abu Dhabi—have grown increasingly apart. The two Gulf neighbors disagree on Yemen, are competing for regional influence in Africa, are pursuing parallel economic transformation plans that put them in direct competition to become the region’s finance and tourism hub, and are taking different approaches to relations with Israel and the West. The UAE normalized ties with Israel in 2020 through the Abraham Accords, a move that set it on a distinctly different foreign policy track from Saudi Arabia, which—despite growing openness under de facto ruler Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman—has held off on normalization due to longstanding popular opposition (including that of technical leader King Salman) and the inability of the US to offer sufficient incentives, such as security guarantees or, post-Gaza War, commitments for Palestinians.

The Iran War as the Breaking Point

If long-simmering tensions were the kindling, the war with Iran was the match. In the weeks before the announcement, the UAE was the Gulf country most targeted by Iranian strikes on its oil, infrastructure, and tourism industries. The UAE, although it can export some oil out of its port in Fujairah that is on the Gulf of Oman, is also hurting—the UAE on Monday accused Iran of launching missiles and drone strikes at Fujairah, injuring three civilians and setting an oil refinery on fire. The idea of remaining in the same oil cartel as a country actively attacking Abu Dhabi became absurd. Ironically, the war also made the exit easier. With the Strait of Hormuz largely shut down and UAE oil exports already severely limited, leaving OPEC at that moment meant the market impact would be modest. As UAE Energy Minister Suhail Al Mazrouei explained, the timing minimized disruption for the market and for its fellow OPEC members.

The Bigger Picture: Betting on Peak Oil

Beneath the politics, there is a deeper strategic logic at work. Many analysts believe the UAE is making a long-term bet that global oil demand has already peaked—or is about to. If that's true, then OPEC's traditional playbook—restricting supply to keep prices high—only makes sense if demand keeps growing. In a world of declining demand, the smart move is to sell as much oil as you can, as fast as you can, before buyers move on.

The UAE has committed $145 billion to expanding its oil production infrastructure through 2030, as well as unconventional shale-style projects, to boost production as much as possible. Free from OPEC quotas, it can now use that capacity fully. Abu Dhabi is essentially racing to maximize revenue before the global energy transition makes oil less valuable. Saudi Arabia, by contrast, still believes in managing supply to protect long-term prices—a fundamental disagreement that may define the future of oil geopolitics. While Saudi Arabia has long claimed it will pump the last barrel of oil—with its low-cost production meaning it can continue to produce further into demand decline than its competitors—the profitability of doing so will decrease.

How Saudi Arabia and the US Responded

Saudi Arabia publicly shrugged off the news, with officials insisting that losing one country from the OPEC+ 23-member group was not a major development. But privately, the kingdom now faces a tougher task. Without the UAE, Saudi Arabia is the only remaining major swing producer in the cartel, leaving it to shoulder more of the burden of stabilizing prices on its own—a harder job with fewer allies. The UAE’s exit brings the long-simmering bilateral competition into open rivalry, increasing tensions in the Gulf.

From Washington’s perspective, the UAE’s OPEC exit represents a significant step in Abu Dhabi’s growing strategic alignment with Washington and Jerusalem. President Trump has long been hostile to OPEC, accusing it of inflating oil prices at the expense of consumers. The UAE's exit—weakening an organization Trump has repeatedly criticized, and coming from a country closely aligned with Washington and Jerusalem—suited American interests well, even if no coordination was involved. Further, it makes explicit the UAE’s alignment with the US and Israel following years of hedging, underlined by the deployment of Israel’s Iron Dome air defenses in the Emirates, a Treasury swap line, and a reported veto over any US-Iran peace terms. While Saudi Arabia is by no means on the outs in Washington, it maintains a strategic ambiguity that prevents it from competing with the UAE as the US’ partner of choice.

What Happens Next

In the short term, there are no major changes expected. The Hormuz crisis means the UAE cannot significantly increase its oil output, so markets are unlikely to feel the departure immediately. The real consequences will emerge in 2027 and beyond, when the strait presumably reopens, and the UAE can freely ramp up production. At that point, the effects could be considerable. The UAE represented roughly 14% of OPEC's total production capacity. A fully unleashed UAE pumping at maximum capacity could flood the market with additional oil, pushing prices down and undermining OPEC's efforts to keep supply tight. Other disgruntled members—Kazakhstan and Nigeria have been mentioned as candidates—may look at the UAE's exit and wonder whether staying in OPEC is still worth the constraints. If even one or two more follow, OPEC's credibility as a market regulator could erode quickly. That said, most experts believe OPEC will survive. It has weathered departures before—Qatar, Ecuador, and Angola—and adapted. It will do so again, though with a smaller footprint and less influence than before.

The UAE's exit from OPEC is the product of years of frustration, a deteriorating relationship with Saudi Arabia, an Iranian military assault, and a clear-eyed view that the age of oil is entering its final chapter. By leaving, Abu Dhabi is betting it can maximize its oil wealth on its own terms, unconstrained by a cartel whose logic depends on a world that may no longer exist, and that going all in on its relationships in Washington and Jerusalem will pay dividends. For OPEC and for global oil markets, the full impact won't be felt immediately—but when it arrives, it will be hard to ignore.

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